May 10, 2013

Why Do Muslims Take Things at Face Value, or What If the Prophet Really Thought Women Were Deficient in Intelligence?



Recently, a friend of mine posed the question on Facebook: Why do Muslims take everything at face value? I must say, I had never thought that this trait was unique to Muslims. However, upon reflection, I realized that there are important ways in which our religious discourse explicitly encourages us to take things literally in a way that has the potential to sacrifice truth, objectivity and rational thinking to dogma. Why is this? Is it inherent in “Islam” itself, a brake on rationality? Is it a historical phenomenon? From where did it develop, this tendency towards scriptural literalism? I argue that Islam is neither inherently irrational nor inherently rational. But everyday Muslim discourse, in a variety of contexts, but especially among Muslims who are forced into defending aspects of their faith against the equally hegemonic assumptions of Western liberalism, is suffering from a serious absence of self-reflection and critical thinking.

I submit this is so not ONLY because of the usual suspects: deficiency in deen, or deficiency in iman, or Western interference. Rather it is a result of what Nietzche once called the “search for origins," the desire to establish a person or a book or a teaching as completely infallible and beyond doubt. Nietzche wrote, “The origin makes possible a field of knowledge whose function is to recover it, but always in a false recognition due to the excesses of its own speech.”

To Nietzche, the lofty origin is no more than “a metaphysical extension which arises from the belief that things are the most precious and essential at the moment of their birth." We tend to think that this is the moment of their greatest perfection, when they emerged dazzling from the hands of a creator. This origin creates a canon of writing and rhetoric that is bent on preserving these ideas. It makes it virtually impossible to contest the interpretation of pious ancestors who were “closer than we will ever be”, and thus know better. This assumption underlies much of orthodox thinking.

My overarching treatment will assume that many beliefs about the Quran and the Islamic tradition are part of beliefs and assumptions that prevailed at the time of the Prophet, and thus do not possess anywhere near the kind of metaphysical weight which was later attributed to them. I do not regard the opinions of scholars as sacrosanct just because those who held them were authoritative figures. Truth is judged by criteria that often is unrelated to the piety or devotion of those who propose such truth. Nor do I regard the discussion of such issues as symptoms of a “colonized mentality” or “liberal egalitarian nonsense poured into Muslim minds by white leftists.” 



What does this mean for the everyday discursive realm of apologetics among Muslims? Asad Abu Khalil provides us with a clue, “The logical fallacies and contradictions that characterize contemporary Islamic thought do not affect the political discourse among Muslims only, but they shape the individual Muslim's understanding of his/her religion. The need for a fresh review of the place of sharia-as well as the very meaning of sharia… requires a break from the transmitted version of Islamic history. The nostalgia of the Islamic past, which makes the future unappealing, can only be eliminated once the myths and taboos of Islamic history are discarded.”

My intention in what follows is to speak as directly as I can, using as plain of language as I can, to the intelligent Muslim layperson about his or her religion, encouraging him or her to reflect self-consciously on its meaning and the structure of certain common discourses within the community. This is by no means a scholarly article, since I am by no means a scholar of fiqh, or of Arabic. It is, however, an attempt to address at least some of the common sense “truisms” of the faith that we as Muslims use to construct our worldview.

The issue we will discuss most directly is a controversial hadith where the Prophet Muhammed said that women were “naqisaatul aql.” Scholars typically translate this as “deficient in intelligence.” We could just as easily take, say, the verse about (lightly) hitting one’s wife, but this will do to illustrate some of the dangers of the search for origins.

I have deliberately, indeed provocatively this hadith to illustrate a point about the kind of moral blindness that is one pitfall of orthodoxy. This should not necessarily be read as an argument for unlimited individualism, but rather a warning about the dangers of the kind of thinking all too prevalent in the circles I have travelled in over the years, both abroad and in America.

As Muslims, our religious integrity and identity is heavily in invested in the idea that our religion never needs to change, while at the same time implicitly living with the reality of living religion in a society that is ever changing, as norms and morals evolve. The point I wish to put forward is that people emphasize ideals from moral teachers based on what they already believe and value. This is how we get anachronistic statements from putative and well-meaning defenders of Islam, that “Islam has always promoted women’s rights.” A statement like this objectifies Islam while working it into contemporary moral priorities.

Another way we often see this working is in the phrase, “Islam is perfect, but I am not.” Or titles of talks like “Islam and Culture, Understanding the Difference.” Or as one commentator put it, in a sentiment often expressed in dawah and apologist literature: “Don't judge Islam based on the actions of its followers. Especially don't judge Islam based on the actions of Muslim countries. Those countries are corrupt and wrong in many ways. They don't follow the Qur'an or Hadith properly half the time.” Perhaps those familiar with the Christian religion will recognize the parallels to the trite phrase, “Christianity is great, but its followers are horrible.” Most Muslims assume that there a correspondence between “following the Quran and Hadith properly” and justice. This is an ideal they share (to varying degrees) with other religious traditions.

By way of example, let us examine the hadith about the Prophet and his comments on women’s intelligence:
 The Prophet, addressed a group of women in the mosque, saying:

 "I have not seen any one more deficient in intelligence and religion than you. A cautious, sensible man could be led astray by some of you." The women asked: "O Allah's Apostle, what is deficient in our intelligence and religion?" He said: "Is not the evidence of two women equal to the witness of one man?" They replied in the affirmative. He said: "This is the deficiency of your intelligence"... "Isn't it true that a woman can neither pray nor fast during her menses?" The women replied in the affirmative. He said:"This is the deficiency in your religion."

The problem with apologizing or explaining this hadith is that in defending it, one is drawn into the same set of assumptions of interpretation that traditional scholars decry in the progressive tent. That is, the unquestioned assumptions and values that pervade the thinking of orthodox interpreters are nearly the same: misogyny is bad, slavery is wrong universally, Islam is not inconsistent with contemporary moral priorities. Yet these assumptions themselves are uniquely modern, and almost totally unknown unknown in classical Islamic thinking. There was no such thing as misogyny, slavery had limits but was morally permitted, and the idea of modernity was not a going concern. The position of those who advocate for a progressive renewal by return to classical sources and classical knowledge suffers from the same incoherence as the progressives, but they are more strategic in their phrasing: they can still appeal to the authority of the text as their ultimate guide, concealing the very moral assumptions which shape their approach to the text. They too assume the text is self evident, since the text itself claims it is!

Now, first of all before we begin, let us establish that the story in question was actually transmitted and is accurate to impute to the Prophet. Muslim scholars developed a very sophisticated science to attempt to deal with this problem. The following hadith is found in the collection of al-Bukhari, generally considered to be one of two of the most authoritative hadith collections. It is a single chain hadith (ahad), which is what the vast majority of hadith relating to law are classified as. This doesn’t guarantee the hadith is accurate, but it is a probable assumption, time-tested by the scholars. We should try to determine if its true before we even begin to consider whether it is morally sensible.

If if this in fact a statement of the Prophet Muhammad, we are left with several alternatives: 
1. It has some non-literal alternative meaning 
2. It means what it says it means, it is not up to us to question the Prophet
3. it has to be understood in a moral context.”

I will come to 1 and 2 later. Regarding 3: Of course, few would dispute that things have to be understood in context. But the meaning of context here is so vague as to encompass nearly anything. It tells us little about what we should actually do when points of the tradition conflict with our own moral understanding. Will “understanding” how to hit your wife (light taps and only after all else has failed) somehow make the practice embody mercy and good moral values?

Let us examine how some scholars have looked at the hadith, “in context”:

G.F. Haddad, one of the most eminent Sunni scholars in today’s world, argues that the meaning of the hadith is not literal: “The hadith here uses two figures of speech: the first is hyperbole (mubalagha) meaning exaggeration in the words "even a prudent, sensible man might be led astray by some of you" i.e. a fortiori an ordinary man. The second figure is synechdoche (majaz mursal) consisting in using the whole for the part: intelligence to mean the specific legal testimony of a woman, and religion to mean the prayer and fast at the time of menses.” He says that the hadith was meant “to trigger among wealthy and sensible citizens acts of generosity for the greater good while reminding them that life is fleeting and thankfulness a surer way to Paradise than despair.”

This is a sensible interpretation, but it does beg the question as to why the Prophet saw fit to make women into a negative example in order to trigger an act of generosity. Haddad’s interpretation does not explore the issue of whether the Prophet believed women were deficient in intelligence. After all, exaggerations often contain a grain of truth.

And if it was not meant literally, why didn’t the prophet clarify precisely that, knowing the impact his words would have thousands of years from now? It seems a curious thing to have a literal and obvious meaning, and to somehow rhetorically blunt the force of the meaning while claiming to be faithful to the essence of the Prophetic example.

By far the more common interpretation of this hadith (and by common I mean advanced by scholars and laymen alike) is one that refuses to apologize for the Prophet’s statement and indeed takes it literally. I do not want to belabor this point, but suffice to say that scholars have interpreted this to mean that women’s physiological nature makes them weaker than men, that women are more ‘emotional’ than ‘intellectual’, that woman is prone to forgetting and too stressed out by motherhood and childbirth to be ‘objective.’ There are many many serious Muslim intellectuals who believe these gender stereotypes.

For example Ibn Kathir said the following about women when commenting on the verse in Surat al-Nisa: 34 “Men are the overseers of women because of what favor God has given to some over others and because of what they spend of their wealth.”
“...That is because men are superior to women, and man is better than woman. Because of this, prophethood was specific for men. Likewise, the most supreme [political] position of authority is specific for men, because of his (the Prophet’s) statement: “A people will never prosper who have given charge of their affair to a woman.”

Given these many statements from scholars about the general authority men have over women, why shouldn’t believers who sincerely study the deen take things at “face value”, when the presumptive meaning is clear and they are working from the understanding of orthodoxy which makes the Prophet Muhammad infallible and a perfect moral exemplar. To rely on one’s own “innate moral nature” or fitra is not absent from the Islamic tradition (indeed the idea of fitra seems to be enjoying a revival amongst my fellow American Muslims) but the idea of fitra always had to submit itself to the text and to the transmitter of the text. These are not new ideas.

When we as Muslims profess deep and abiding love for the Prophet, that is something noble worth preserving. But there is a darker side to this kind of adulation—an absolute refusal to discriminate moral events in the Prophet’s own life, using our own moral compass. We twist ourselves in knots over the controversial hadiths, trying to find ways to justify them to ourselves or to explain them as not literal. We do this, because we have been “disciplined” by orthodoxy to think that there are certain core assumptions that every Muslim must hold, of which one of the most important is the ultimate guidance and infallibility of the Prophet Muhammad.

These complex moral gyrations faced by progressives/liberals/feminists can be eliminated if clear and careful thinking is employed in the spirit of sincerity. Coming back to an earlier summation: Either we are naturally led by the restrictions of orthodoxy to the “face value” conclusion agreed upon by the scholars, or we have to reject their conclusions as being inconsistent with human rights, while at the same time acknowledging their fidelity to the witness of the Prophet as interpreted through the texts. This may mean that the Prophet himself envisioned a society where men always had authority over women. And that may well mean that the Prophet himself regarded women as deficient in intelligence.

The way premoderns, pre-literate folks dealt with these problems, or why they didn’t arise with such force, is that they were typically confined to an all-male scholarly class, and most of the population was illiterate in anything more than a basic knowledge of the Quran. Such issues simply didn’t arise, because most people didn’t know about them, and scholars generally did not see them as particularly important or morally sensitive.

Literacy has transformed people’s ideas of themselves in Muslims countries over the past 50-100 years. Instead unmediated access to the text has more forcibly implanted the idea of orthodoxy, previously more of a discursive abstraction, in people’s minds. And it is not as if these ideas are somehow new in the tradition.

When orthodox Muslims refuse to accept such the possibility that the Prophet could have been wrong on the subject of gender relations, they have all of tradition on their side. Those who argue for some notion of “liberatory hermeneutics” based on reinterpretation and “ijtihad” of established narrations or clear verses explicitly place themselves on weaker ground ontologically than those who argue from within the core assumptions of the system. Progressives, liberals, whatever you want to call them, who nevertheless claim to work within the assumptions of the system, cannot but be stymied by a variety of conclusions which their arguments force them reluctantly into but which they refuse to acknowledge:

1.     They somehow know better than the Prophet Muhammad
2.     The Quran and the rules laid down in it and by the Prophet are insufficient guides to modern life

These two notions directly contradict the teachings of orthodoxy, as understood by generations of scholars. This dooms the reformers/progressives/liberals/feminists to double talk: on the one hand they want to preserve the fidelity of the message, but they want to do that by reinterpreting a narration or verse away from its clear meaning. They lay themselves open to the charge that in fact what they wish for is to harmonize the message to their own desires and moral compass. Since the thrust of orthodoxy is to convince people that their desires are illegitimate if they conflict with the divine message, it follows that those who base their interpretation off what the Quran, or the majority of scholars have clearly stated regarding an interpretation will always be on firmer ground.

 The portrayal of the Islamic discursive tradition as a deeply flexible and tolerant tradition is neither true nor false, but just vague. Its flexibility was not unlimited, the philosophical contours of its moral compass were fairly clear, and there were well-defined limits beyond which philosophers dare not trespass. One of these “holy grails” was criticism of the lawgiver the Prophet Mohammed. Why is it so threatening to admit that Mohammed was an inspired prophet, while admitting he made some mistakes and propagated ideas that are out of date because erroneous. The question of why orthodoxy absolutely prevents reformists from making this seemingly small statement, and the question of what would happen if they did is a provocative one, which I will pose at a later date, inshallah. 

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How to Eat, Khaleeji style (traditional)


Among the many gems of description in T.E. Lawrence's classic book, Seven Pillars of Wisdom, is the following excerpt on a feast prepared for Lawrence and his companions by a prominent sheikh and participant in the Arab revolt, Auda Abu Tayi. I post it here because it reminded me so vividly of eating at weddings and for iftar in Oman.

"This load was set down on the soil of the cleared space between us, where it steamed hotly, while the procession of minor helpers carried in the small cauldrons and copper vats in which the cooking had been done. From them, with much-bruised bowls of enameled iron, they ladled out over the main dish all the inside and outside of the sheep, little bits of yellow intestine, the white tail cushion of fat, brown muscles and meat and skin, all swimming in the liquid butter and grease of the seething. The bystanders watched the work anxiously, with muttered satisfactions when a very juicy bit plopped out.

Pouring these bowls-full of scrap over the heap was warm labor, for the fat was scalding. Every now and then a man would drop his baler with an exclamation, and plunge his burnt fingers, not reluctantly, in his mouth to cool them: but they persevered till at last their scooping rang loudly on the bottoms of the pots, and with a gesture of triumph they fished out the intact livers from their hiding places in the gravy and topped the yawning jaws with them. Then two raised each cauldron and tilted it over the mass, letting the liquid splash down the meat till the crater of the rice was full, and the loose grains at the edge swam in the abundance, and yet they poured till amid exclamations of astonishment from us it was running over and a little pool congealing in the dust. That was the final touch of splendor, and the host called us to come and eat.

We feigned deafness, as manners demanded; at last we heard him and looked suprised at one another, each urging his fellows to move first: till Nasir rose coyly, and then we all came forward, and sank on one knee round the tray wedging in and huddling up till the twenty-two for whom there was space groped around the food. We turned back our right sleeves to the elbow, and taking lead from Nasir with a low, "in the name of God the merciful, the loving-kind," we dipped together.

The first dip for me at least was always cautious, since the liquid fat was so hot that my unaccustomed fingers could seldom bear it: and so I would toy with an exposed and cooling lump of meat till others' excavations had drained my rice segment. We would knead between the fingers, not using the palm, neat balls of rice and fat and liver and meat, all cemented by gentle pressure, and project them by leverage of the thumb from the crooked forefinger into the mouth.

With the right trick and the right construction the little lump held together and came clean off the hand: but when surplus butter and old fragments clung cooling to the fingers they had to be licked carefully to make the next effort slip easier away.

The host stood by the circle encouraging the appetite with pious ejaculations, and we worked at top speed twisting, tearing, cutting and stuffing, never speaking since conversation at a meal would be an insult to its quality, though it was proper to smile thanks when one of the more intimate guests passed across a select fragment or when Mohammed el Dheilan or Farraj gravely handed over a huge barren bone with a blessing. On such occasions, I would return the compliment with some hideous and impossible lump of guts, a flippancy with rejoiced the Howeitat, but which the gracious and aristocratic Nasir saw with disapproval.

As the meat pile wore down (nobody really cared about the rice; the flesh was the luxury) one of the chief Howeitat eating with us would draw his dagger, silver-hilted, set with turquoise, a signed masterpiece of Mohammed ibn Zari of jauf and would cut crisscross from the larger bones long diamonds of meat easily torn up between the fingers; for it was necessary boiled very tender, since it had all to be disposed of with one hand.

At length some of us were nearly filled, and these began to play and pick, glancing sideways at the rest, till they grew slow, and at least ceased eating, elbow on knee and the hand hanging down from the wrist over the tray edge to drip, while the fat and butter and scattered grains of rice cooled and stiffened into a white grease which gummed the fingers together. When all had stopped Nasir cleared his throat meanly, and we rose up together in haste with an explosive, "Our host, God requite it to you," and grouped ourselves outside among the tent ropes while the next twenty guests came forward and inherited our leaving.

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April 27, 2013

Some Passing Thoughts on The Dead-End Notion of "Islamic Slavery"

Regarding Western distortions of slavery in Zanzibar, a frequent line of defense I encounter in my research in Oman is that slavery in Zanzibar was of more benevolent variety because Islam mediated the brutality of the master-slave relationship. I am skeptical of such a defense for the following reasons:

The solution to Western distortions of the "Arab" slave trade is not to produce Orientalized set pieces drawn from Quranic texts, in which "Arab" and "Muslim" slaveholders practice a benevolent and more exalted form of slavery. This is an intellectual dead end, and amounts to an indirect apology for something which requires a much deeper critical response. First of all the slave trade itself ought to be distinguished from the practice of slavery. Historians have an important role to play in showing how the trade rose and fell in interaction with economic systems and the demand for labor. The same rule applies to slavery itself--how slaves and slavemasters actually interacted in various times and places either in agreement or contradiction to the text.

Additonally, a true historian will not absolve anyone simply because they "abided by the Quran" in their dealings with slaves. Rather a historian will ask critical questions about how and why slavery was justified in the first place, what it meant to be a slave in particular societies in Africa and Southern Arabia, from the perspective (inasmuch as this is possible) from former slaves. Statements like, "all African societies practice slavery" obscure important differences in systems of enslavement to the point of rendering the word without any meaning. In other words, when Arab intellectuals employ this argument, they fall into the same trap that stymied an earlier generation of colonial historians, essentializing African societies and making them complicit in their own enslavement. Needless to say, this is a repeat of a racist colonial argument that was repeatedly used to justify European involvement in the trans-Atlantic trade.

None of what I am saying here is new. Eminent historians like Abdul Sherrif, Jon Glassman and Fred Cooper have been making such arguments for years. The problem is that a great many of those who defend (for instance) slavery in Zanzibar, do not seem to be aware of their work or their arguments, instead relying mostly on British colonial writers for their interpretation. This produces in many ways a distorted sense of the most urgent historical problem surrounding slavery. Books like Kinyanginyiro na Utumwa by Issa bin Nasser al-Ismaily succeed in dispelling many of the myths surrounding the "Arab" slave trade, but miss a chance to take the conversation further, to an actual substantial discussion of slavery and the various parties involved--Europeans, Arabs, Indians and Africans--and their various interests and understandings.

One way to approach the troubling issue of slavery in Zanzibar is to consider the following quote from Talal Asad:

"One trouble with their consensus argument is that it fuses the distinction between deceiver and deceived with the opposition between dominator and dominated. There is no a priori reason to suppose that social categories that define relations between dominators and dominated must involve credulity on the part of the latter and cynicism on that of the former. In any case, such suppositions are irrelevant to the problem. What is shared in such situations is not "belief" as an interior state of mind but cultural discourses that constitute objective social conditions and thus define forms of behaviour appropriate to them. Such conditions do not rule out the possibility of conflict--by which I mean not merely that conflicts may erupt to upset them but that conflicts, including the use of force, are entirely compatible with them."

The language of slavery in Zanzibar is often cloaked in paternalism, and historians would do well to analyze the role of this paternalism, and how the relationships of paternalism (including the squatter-landowner relationship) was gradually undone in the decades after abolition.

Historians of slavery in Zanzibar cannot accept at face value the anti-Arab canards of partisans of the Zanzibar Revolution; they will be skeptical of the idea that slavery was a driving force behind the Revolution, and attendant to the way this discourse justified racist violence against Arabs. At the same time, they must be critical of the discourse of the exiled Arab diaspora, insofar as that discourse tends to avoid substantive analysis of slavery and its function and role in 19th century Zanzibar.

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Richard Iton, Inna Allahi wa Allah rajiuun

Today I would like to post a small tribute to a brilliant intellectual, writer and philosopher whose life was untimely cut short by leukemia this past week. I remember fondly his course on diaspora which I was able to sit in on. I had some great conversations with him on the concept of "alternative modernities." Here he presents on the black diaspora, post-racialism, and black politics for the 21st century.

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Slavery in the Swahili City-States

I've been reading through some old notes from my  general field exams on slavery and the slave trade in Africa. The question of Swahili and Arab complicity in the slave trade is a sensitive issue that continues to rankle Arab and Swahili intellectuals, who feel that Western attacks on "Arab slavery" unfairly essentialize and racialize Arabs as slave traders. They point out, often correctly, that abolitionist attacks on the "Arab slave trade" in the 19th century were closely linked to the establishment of colonial rule in East Africa. The issue is rather more complicated than I can address here, but suffice to say that Arabs were not the only participants in the trade. Nevertheless the charge that "coastal people" or "the Swahili" were active participants in the trade is a line one still finds quite frequently in scholarly articles. Such charges are often little substantiated with data. When the volume of the East African trade are tabulated, as in Ralph Austen's work the results are less than satisfactory, and at any rate do not address slavery and the slave trade in the more distant past of the "Swahili Golden Age." Recent scholarship by Thomas Vernet has the potential to change the paradigm of how we view the Swahili city-states and their relationship to slavery and the slave trade. Butch Ware, summarizing Vernet's work, writes:

"Though they were deeply involved in trading, the Swahili seem to have done little slaving. Vernet argues that between 1500 and 1750 Swahili city-states were militarily fragile; mainland groups attacked the coastal polities more frequently than the coast attacked the mainland. Moreover, even these conflicts were exceptional as the Swahili city-states had strong patron-client ties with mainland societies, including arrangements for military defense. Only at the southern end of the Swahili world, in Kilwa and its southern hinterland, were continental Africans traded in substantial numbers. Vernet concludes that on the Swahili coast north of Cape Delgado, there was little mainland slave-trading at all between 1500 and 1800 with the exception of a trade in Somali and Oromo women destined for use as concubines. At the same time, Portuguese documents make reference to a voluminous mainland trade in ivory, foodstuffs, and, at least in the south, gold."

The volume of the slave trade would of course grow exponentially in the 18th and 19th century; this is in part attributable to the intensification of plantation agriculture in Omani-ruled Zanzibar and along the coast (as well as the French plantation sector in Reunion) But the myth of the Swahili as inveterate slave traders needs to be seriously revised and historicized.

 Here is a brief bibliography of Thomas Vernet's published work, most of it in French:
  • 2006 “Slave trade and slavery on the Swahili coast (1500-1750)”, in Paul Lovejoy, Behnaz A. Mirzai and Ismael M. Montana (ed.), Slavery, Islam and Diaspora, Trenton, Africa World Press. Revised and expanded version of 2003 article.
  • 2004 “Le territoire hors les murs des cités-Etats swahili de l’archipel de Lamu, 1600-1800,” Journal des Africanistes, 74 (1-2), pp. 381-411.
  • 2004 “La splendeur des cités Swahili,” L’Histoire, 284, pp. 62-67.
  • 2003 “Le commerce des esclaves sur la côte swahili, 1500-1750,” Azania, 38, pp. 69-97.
  • 2002 “Les cités-Etats swahili et la puissance omanaise (1650-1720),” Journal des Africanistes, 72 (2), pp. 89-110.

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April 6, 2013

Filling Station in Oman Back in the Day

Shell is everywhere. It is hard from this photo to see if the road to the station is even paved....


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April 1, 2013

Kofia in Zanzibar (by Mohamed Ameir Muombwa)


KOFIA IN ZANZIBAR (AAP 42 (1995) 132-137)

MOHAMED AMEIR MUOMBWA
There are many different traditional costumes in the world. In Zanzibar, a Swahili man is said to be fully attired when he puts on an embroidered cap, locally known as kofia ya viua or just kofia, robe (kanzu) with a coat, and sandals taking a Swahili name of makubadhi.

The Kofia is round-shaped with a flat top, adorned with embroidered designs all over. For convenience of simplicity in classification kofia are divided into two main groups, simple- designed and complex-designed caps.

Traditionally kofia are given names according to what the design types appearing on them look like. However it should be noted that the design types are not carbon copies of objects an artist has represented. A fundi (a craftsman who specializes in drawing of kofia designs) normally takes a small part of that object or thing and then changes it in conformity with cap- designing art, which, to a great extent, puts much emphasis on producing criss-cross patterns. Worth pointing out is that this art is not done for the sake of art as many people think. Almost all designs ar·e drawn from the environment in which the fundi live, making the art itself a true representation of the life of the people.
The common names of Zanzibar caps are kikuti, kidema, lozi, and besela. There are so many names as more new designs ofcaps are coming up daily.

To begin with, the kofia called kikuti (palm leaf), for example, represents availability of countless coconut trees in the isles. Life without coconut trees in Zanzibar is nearly impossible to imagine. Fishing, a bread earning activity to many Islanders, is represented by a design of
kidema, a locally made fishing trap. Fishing by using dema is one of the traditional fishing methods practiced in many parts in the Isles.

Besela is the name of the Zanzibar wooden bedstead, which is a treasured household item. Made from expensive timber, besela's peculiar designs may please many. The cap artists have come out to preserve the name as the possibility is high for this type of beadstead to disappear in the future.
Unlike other kofia, lozi designs do not have any representation from the environment. Lozi is a corruption of the English word 'rose', a flower loved by many for its pleasant smell. Because the rose is regarded as the best flower, so lozi is taken to be the king of all kofia.

Islam, the religion of which most Swahili are followers, has been given a central place in kofia design. There is a kofia called msikiti (mosque) which depicts a dome-like pattern and two minarets. Some craftsmen have gone further to produce the name of God, Allah, in Arabic writing. 

A butterfly-like design is still the sole cap which represents flying creatures This type of kofia is called kipepeo (butterfly).

The first modern stadium in Zanzibar, built by the Chinese government in the 1970s, attracted the attention of the late Mzee Shaka, a well-known craftsman from Makunduchi in the southern part of Zanzibar. He produced a cap design named after the stadium, Uwanja wa Amaan.

The more elaborate a kofia is designed, the higher a price it will fetch in the market. Such kofia will normally be worn during special occasions like wedding ceremonies. The lozi design is preferred by many as a bridegroom's attire because ofthe complexity of designs and its beauty. This cap also enjoys popularity among the pilgrims to the Muslims' holy city of Makkah.

The fact that wearing a headgear is sunnah (a commendable deed in Islam, but not absolutely binding) has lead to the popularization of the kofia in the Isles, where more than 95% of the population are Muslims. In fact, wherever populations of Muslims are found in East Afiica the kofia has became a popular clothing. It is no surprise, therefore, that the kofia stands today for both Muslim and Swahili identity. The close association of kofia and Islam is again demonstrated in one of the Swahili sayings used frequently by sheikhs to warn Muslims against committing sins. The saying reads: Uislam si kuvaa kanzu au kofia (Islam is not just to wear· robe or cap, Islam means following good deeds).
Swahili social activities, notably the burial ceremony is characterized by wearing kofia A person for whom a kofia is not the regular clothing, if seen with it one day, may be asked a question like: Nani amekufa, mbona kofia kichwani? (Who has died? I see you have put on a cap.)

Different people have different motives for putting on a kofia. There are those who feel uneasy going out bareheaded. They regard themselves to have not fully dressed without kofia. Some feel shy to expose their bald heads or grey hair. Others feel that old age binds them to wearing kofia or else they might be accused of clinging to youthfulness, if they do not wear the cap. Likewise, some young people object wearing the caps on pretext of looking like old people Nevertheless, the majority of people wear· the caps because they are regarded as decent clothing with the addition of religious significance.

In the past the kofia played a certain role in communication, particularly on matters related to sexuality. Because the liason between a woman and a man was always kept away from the public gaze, kofia-related communication was used to date women. The meeting in public of a man and a woman who are not related, was normally received with suspicion. It is, therefore, said that women were sent messages by their lovers through the particular way of wearing the kofia and their intended meanings. It is said that a Swahili man used to wear a kofia in a certain style to transmit a message to his lover. There were styles showing that a wearer of kofia wants to meet his lover at a particular place.

The simple designed kofia have other functions apart from being clothing. On a Friday prayer attended by hundreds ofMuslims, the cap can be used for collecting donations fiom the worshippers. A person with a cap in his hands passes along the rows to let the people put money in it. On a wedding day, after completion of exchange of marriage vows (nikah), the bridegroom is supposed to meet his wife at her parents house. Before he enters her room, the bride's female relatives joke with him. Such jokes may be implemented in different ways. The women may, for example prevent the bridegroom from going to meet his wife. Then the bridegroom's best friend takes off his kofia, puts in some money, and hands it over to one of the women. Then the door is opened to allow the bridegroom and his friends to say hello to the bride. In this situation handing over money by using the kofia is considered as more respectable than by using a hand.
Both young and old people respectively have invented their own wearing styles of kofia. The former tend to wrinkle the cap while the latter wear the cap as it is. One of the wearing styles that indicates that a Swahili man is comfortable and relaxed is one in which a cap's top flat is made to appear pointed. And, if you slant your kofia on the head in a certain way (kutega or kutengua) it means you look down on people. People may perceive you as a self-important person. To take off someone's kofia is an act of bad habit.

Among the special gifts bestowed to a state guest visiting the Isles is a kofia. During his state visit in Zanzibar in 1990, the South African president, Nelson Mandela, was bestowed the kofia called lozi
The former Tanzanian president, Julius Nyerere, was a great lover of the kofia In the 1960s and 70s he was hardly seen bareheaded in public meetings or other state functions held in Swahili areas. It is said that Nyerere's love of the kofia helped him politically. The Swahili regarded him as one among them because of the great value attached to the kofia. Whether this is true or not, it is undisputable that a non-Swahili who frequently wears a kofia has a greater chance to be easily integrated into the Swahili community.

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March 30, 2013

Some observations on the Michael Muhammad Knight versus Hamza Yusuf articles

Recently Michael Muhammad Knight published two provocative pieces on Vice critiquing Hamza Yusuf as a white convert and a spiritual salesman.

Here is the first one. It's called "The Problem with White Converts" and features a huge picture of Hamza Yusuf.
Here is the second one. It's called "Michael Muhammad Knight vs. Hamza Yusuf." It has a picture of Knight with a cape on, about to get in the wrestling ring with Yusuf.

Perhaps most readers outside the US have not even heard of Michael Muhammad Knight, so the context will seem unfamiliar. If that is the case, I recommend skipping the articles altogether. There are likely better uses of your time. But if you are American, what MMK is saying is important and true, although problematic.

Here are my cursory observations on the two articles:

1. MMK is not know for having good manners, or rather I should say, since I don't know him personally, he is not known for conforming to the rhetorical and performative aspects that Muslim scholars and the larger Muslim community understand as good manners. That means he says things in a bald-faced way, which makes some Muslims uncomfortable and means they are more likely to write him off.

2. To imply, as MMK does in the above articles, that Yusuf is some kind of huckster who is spouting rhetoric he does not believe is disrespectful, and wrong. Not just morally wrong (in the sense of implying that Yusuf is not sincere), but unverifiably wrong. Whether or not another person believes as he/she says is not a matter for idle speculation on the internet. Hamza Yusuf deserves more respect, not because he is Hamza Yusuf, but because it is neither good manners nor good argumentation to imply that someone is insincere. MMK ought to know as much, given how many times he has likely been dismissed, attacked, called insincere, etc.

3. White converts using Islam to authenticate and thereby de-privilege and "de-whiten" themselves is a real phenomenon. It is not altogether a bad thing. There are ways of moving through these spaces with integrity, and avoid becoming a slogan spouting, cartoonish parody. An analogy might be drawn to William Wimsatt's famous essay in Bomb The Suburbs "We Use Words Like Mackadocious", in that the attempt to shed white skin privilege by becoming Muslim often mirrors similar attempts by white kids trying to be down with hip-hop culture. There is an elaborate "hyper-performativity" of Muslim-ness (thank you Mahdi Tourage!) that mirrors the hyper-performativity of blackness in its relentless search for authenticity. I think Hamza Yusuf is a poor example of this, however. MMK could have done some more research, or perhaps even offered up himself as an example (actually he has in his books), before targeting Yusuf in this article.

4. The racial rhetoric of the "white convert", and the use of Hamza Yusuf as an example obscure an important point MMK is making, which is:
   The "classical Islamic tradition" is being packaged and sold as a product in the US, and it is product that cannot begin to fulfill the expectations people have of it. Notice that Hamza Yusuf and others who study abroad rarely speak on the debates going on over interpretation in the places they studied. Take Mauritania for example: I have yet to hear Hamza Yusuf give an opinion on how the Maliki fiqh scholars dealt with slavery in that country. It was instructive to hear an Mauritanian activist talk about other activists who burned books of Maliki fiqh, because of Mauritanian fiqh scholars complicity and intransigence with regards to the issue of slavery! These Mauritanian activists symbolically enacted their belief that the "classical Islamic tradition" did not have the resources to "do what was necessary" in Mauritania. Whether or not they were correct, it is instructive that there is a deep and divisive debate within the classical Islamic tradition that touches on issues of basic human rights. The packaging of the tradition hides the dimensions of these debates from Hamza Yusuf's audiences.

5. Lastly, a major issue which prevents MMK's point from really getting a hearing is that, by and large, lay people do not see their religion as religious studies scholars see it. Religious studies scholars tend to see religions as historically shifting sets of discourses and practices without an essence that is constantly debated and constantly undergoing change. But everyday people prefer their religion as an ideal that humans need to realize through obedience. It is something to be lived and practiced as a route to perfection. Historicization is seen as a threat to faith, an undermining of metaphysical certitudes. One hears, for example, in conversations among Muslim Americans, "Islam is perfect, but I am not." The attraction of an ideal is very strong in human history and human thought, and the logic of the historian (or even the anti-historical, anti-essentialism of Nietzche or the Tao) is cold comfort to those attracted by this idealism.

Inshallah, I am developing some further thoughts on the idea of tradition, empirical certitude, faith, belief, law, practice and the text, which will elaborate in more detail some things I have been thinking of in relation to the issue MMK raised. I hope to post it soon.
-NLM

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How I spent my Moroccan vacation

Dear Azanian Sea readers,

On the long road to my dissertation, I got a chance to present a summary of my research at a conference sponsored by the Moroccan-American Commission for Educational and Cultural Exchange. I talked about the dimensions of my research on the Swahili-speaking Omani diaspora and its future direction. The conference was surprisingly and unexpectedly engaging, featuring a wide range of academic pursuits and interdisciplinary perspectives. I enjoyed the presentations, and got a chance to refine how I present my project, as I embark on the second half of my research year. Above is the abstract of my talk:


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March 3, 2013

Débat sur NGONGO LETETA


This is an interesting debate over Ngongo Letete, who at one time was a collaborator and lieutenant of Tippu Tip, who was executed by the Force Publique during the bloody wars of colonial conquest, and whose death sparked an anti-colonial revolt.  He himself, was reputed to be quite brutal and is remembered with some ambiguity in the Congo. The full article can be found here.

Par Professeur Antoine Dimandja
E-mail: profdimandja@yahoo.fr

Le Débat:
Chers frères et sœurs,
Notre débat consiste à examiner un problème qui date du XIXième Siècle et qui continue jusqu’aujourd’hui à embrouiller l’histoire des Atetela et des Asonge. Il s’agit de connaître avec exactitude, de part et d’autre, la vérité sur le témoignage selon lequel Ngongo Lutete (sic) Leteta fut Otetela ou Osonge. Nos soigneuses recherches dans le temps et dans l’espace en RDC, en Belgique et aux États-unis auprès des vieux qui étaient encore en vie, et qui n’avaient pas de trous de mémoire, nous ont non seulement permis de confronter différents points de vue avec ce qui a été dit ou écrit maintes fois, mais encore conduit à conclure que ce conflit empreint d’héroïsme n’est pas définitivement tranché par nous, et partant pour notre postérité. L’histoire étant un sujet d’explication, nous devons faire un effort dès maintenant de rechercher la vérité pour la diaspora qui n’a pas de lien étroit avec notre terroir.

Comme tous ses concitoyens et concitoyennes du XIXième Siècle, nul ne sait quand Ngongo Leteta naquit. Feu Patrice Emery Lumumba fut le premier a nous révéler lors d’une entrevue dans la soirée au Guest House de la Sabena, sis Avenue des aviateurs, près de l’ancien aérodrome d’Élisabethville, où il logeait le 8 mai 1960 en tant que membre du collège exécutif général accompagnant le président Henri Cornelis, Gouverneur Général du Congo Belge et du Ruanda-Urundi dans sa dernière tournée qu’il a beaucoup lu et discuté de ce sujet avec de nombreux Européens et Congolais. Monsieur Lumumba qui parlait en otetela a déclaré sans ambages que Ngongo Leteta fut notre chef suprême et celui des Asonge. Certains Flamands notamment Père Boelaert en province de l’Equateur l’avait appelé péjorativement et erronément Ngongo Lutete dans ses articles dans Aequatoria .Il donnait comme explication qu’il était Ngongo “le vagabond”.

Pour nous et pour les Asonge, il était notre héros national. Il avait été injustement arrêté, mis sous les verrous et jugé publiquement à la hâte au poste d’Etat à Ngandu par un officier de la Force Publique Jean Scheerlinck. Celui-ci provoqua un conseil de guerre dérisoire dont il fut président. Ses deux assesseurs furent ses frères. Il ne s’était même pas référé à son chef Commandant Dhanis à Kasongo. Il le condamna a mort jeudi le 14 septembre 1893. Ngongo Leteta avait souhaité être comparu en justice à Lusambo ou à Léopoldville au lieu d’être jugé en brousse. Il avait également préféré que son fils Lumpungu dont la mère fut osonge, originaire de Malela (à ne pas confondre avec chef osonge Lumpungu de Kabinda), soit son successeur. Tout cela fut un coup d’épée dans l’eau! En présence d’une foule nombreuse et des deux autres blancs, Scheerlinck donna l’ordre au peloton d’exécution noir auquel un des blancs se serait mêlé de tirer leur gâchette à 7 heures du matin, vendredi 15 septembre 1893, et le Chef Ngongo tomba par terre.
Selon Patrice Lumumba, Scheerlinck fut incompétent pour ce jugement, seul le lieutenant Duchene, chef de poste de Ngandu fut compétent. Dhanis fut promu par le Roi Léopold II comme baron pour sa victoire sur les Arabes avec le concours de Ngongo Leteta et ses vaillants combattants sans lequel tout cela n’aurait pas été possible. Le haut officier belge le regretta jusqu’à la fin de sa vie au début du XXième S. La thèse de doctorat défendue en Flamand à l’université de Gand par Monsieur Philippe Maréchal, actuel chef de département d’histoire au Musée Royal De l’Afrique Centrale, en fait foi.

Répondant à notre question sur un de ses articles relatif à Ngongo Leteta que nous avons lu dans un journal méthodiste (EMECOCE) à Wembo Nyama en 1956, Monsieur Lumumba confirma qu’il avait pris l’habitude à Stanleyville alors qu’il était commis postal de commémorer jusqu’à ce jour l’exécution ou la mort de notre chef suprême ou souverain chaque 15 septembre de chaque année. En effet, ce fut lui et les chefs Asonge Lumpungu, Mpanya Mutombo ainsi que leurs vaillants guerriers qui nous ont délivrés de l’occupation arabe et mirent fin à la traite des esclaves qu’ils pratiquaient non seulement au Maniema, mais aussi au Sankuru. Nos frères et sœurs qui devinrent esclaves transportaient les pointes d’ivoire de Lomami a travers le Lualaba jusqu’a l’ océan Indien où les Sultans arabes les vendaient aux européens, sans aucun espoir de retour. On se rappellera que ces derniers pratiquaient le trafic des esclaves sur les côtes d’Afrique depuis le XVIième Siècle. Au XIXième Siècle, le Congrès de Vienne le condamna en 1815, mais malgré les diverses conventions qui le prohibaient, le trafic ne put disparaître que peu après que Ngongo Leteta eut astucieusement changé des camps notamment l’abandon des Arabes et l’appui des Européens. Pour Monsieur Lumumba qui fut à la fois détribalisé et leader nationaliste, il importait peu si Ngongo Leteta fut Otetela ou Osonge.
Au moment où il entra au service des Blancs le 19 septembre 1892, lui et ses braves combattants devinrent instrument utile de décolonisation contre les Arabes comme lui à l’égard des Belges en 1960; sauf que Ngongo joua le rôle de colonisation....

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