Kiswahili: a UN Working Language?

*Plans to elevate Kiswahili to UN working language status underway*

By HEZEKIEL GIKAMBI

Kiswahili might soon become a working language of the United Nations,
joining the league of six prominent languages in the world if a proposal by
Swahili scholars goes through.

The scholars met in Nairobi in December 2009 under the Afro-Arab Cultural
Institute (AACI), from Bamako, Mali in collaboration with the Ministry of
National Heritage and Culture of Kenya in a symposium aimed at charting the
future of the language.

Among the aims of the conference was to fight for the recognition of the
language by the UN.

"It is only a matter of time and East Africa will have found a bigger export
to the world than tea and coffee and that is Kiswahili," said Prof. Kimani
Njogu who chaired the conference.

Prof Njogu who heads a national Kiswahili association, Chama cha Kiswahili
cha Taifa-CHAKITA expressed optimism that the language stands a high chance
of being considered.

The language that made history by becoming the first African language to be
recognized as an official African Union language would give Africans and
more so East Africans reason to be proud of their region.

Spoken by close to 120 million people worldwide, Swahili is both a national
and official language in Tanzania.

In Kenya, the Committee of Experts, led by Nzamba Kitonga has proposed the
elevation of the language that is currently a national language to official
language status in their draft.

"If this proposal passes, it will be a step ahead of time in the century for
the language," said Information and Communication Permanent Secretary Dr
Bitange Ndemo who closed the conference.

He said if the new constitution is passed the way it is the government would
have 2-3 years to put every documents and its transactions in the internet
and later all governments documents in Kiswahili.

He promised to give two of the proposed Kiswahili-only digital channels to
the scholars to advance the language.

The official languages of UN are Arabic, Chinese, English, French, Russian
and Spanish and presentations to the body are made through the said
languages.

If a participant doesn’t understand any of them, he carries with him a
translator who translates his statement to any of the six languages.

Permanent Secretary, Ministry of National Heritage and Culture Dr Jacob Ole
Miaron who opened the conference appreciated the proposed Draft Protocol for
the establishment of the East African Kiswahili Council, saying it would
assist in the growth of the language.

“This would play a major role in enhancing political, economic, social,
cultural, education, scientific and technological development in the
region,” he said.

Efforts to have Swahili as an AU and UN language began in 2005, when a
proposal was made by the scholars to AU ministers of culture, who met in
Nairobi.

The ministers accepted the proposal and forwarded it to the Heads of States
who adopted it in a summit held in Khartoum Sudan, under the chairmanship of
President Mwai Kibaki.

"It was welcomed passionately by former Mali President Alpha Oumar Konare,
who served as Chairperson of the African Union Commission from 2003 to
2008," recalls former Director of Culture, Anami Silverse.

Other institutions represented in the two-day conference included Academy of
African Languages (ACALAN), African Union, and the League of Arab States.

Apart from taking Kiswahili to UN working language status, the conference
that brought together scholars from 14 African countries and several Arab
states, also sought to document the history of the Afro-Arab relations in
the development of Kiswahili language.

"We also want to enhance the existing cultural relations and cooperation
between the Arabs and Africans in this century and beyond," said Prof Njogu.

Giving his presentation in Arabic, Prof Ayman Ibrahim Al A’sar of Al-Azhar
University in Oman, currently a Lecturer in Arab studies in the University
of Nairobi said the relationship between Arabic and Kiswahili, which has
lasted more than 2,000 years, have immense benefits to both people.

Prof Ibrahim Noor Sharif a Kiswahili Scholar from Oman recommended the
enhancement of institutional linkages by establishing exchange programmes
between Kenyan institutions and those in the Arab world.

"Cooperation can also be enhanced through visits, workshops and regional
discussions on cultural and education matters," he said.

Arab is to Kiswahili what Latin is to English, a major source of ‘loan’
words and original donor of its earliest alphabet.

Kiswahili being a Bantu language and more so, the most Arabicized Bantu
language contains a great diversity of expressions.

“This would rekindle the significance of cultural diversity amongst the
African and Arab communities," said Prof Alamin Mazrui, a Kenyan scholar.

“This will further cement the relationship and make the African continent
first and foremost to own up the language,” he added.

The University of Nairobi came under attack from Tanzanian Scholars for
lacking an independent Kiswahili department while universities in Japan,
Germany and other foreign countries have fully fledged Swahili departments.

Prof Njogu challenged local leaders to improve on their masterly of the
language and use it often so as to give it an international appeal.

Kiswahili is the most popular African language taught alongside African
studies in over 150 universities in the USA only.

Mr Malonga Pacifique a Kiswahili lecturer at a University in Kigali, Rwanda,
underscored the growing need to embrace Kiswahili as an international medium
of communication.

* *

*The writer is the Education Features Editor, *

*with **Taifa Leo, a Kiswahili publication *

*of the Nation Media Group- Nairobi Kenya.*

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Kenya’s Bill for Bloodshed Nears Payment

Memo From Nairobi (New York Times)

NAIROBI, Kenya — The envelope, please — those are the words on many Kenyans’ lips.

Ever since last year’s eruption of post-election violence, which killed more than 1,000 people and threatened to drive this once promising country off a cliff, Kenyans have been waiting to hear who masterminded the bloodshed and who will pay the price.

A Kenyan commission investigated the violence in October and came up with a list of several top suspects, widely believed to include some of the nation’s most powerful men. The names were sealed in a square brown paper envelope (incongruously wrapped with a white ribbon) and handed over to Kofi Annan, the former secretary general of the United Nations who took on the role of peacemaker.

Kenyan politicians had promised Mr. Annan that they would form a special tribunal to try the suspects here, ending a longstanding culture of impunity that feeds the ethnic-political bloodshed that convulses Kenya nearly every election.

But so far, nothing. Kenya’s leaders, paralyzed by competing agendas and the prospect of prosecuting their own, have refused to set up a tribunal. So last week, Mr. Annan upped the ante. He sent the envelope with the names to the International Criminal Court at The Hague, which has now indicated that it will step in if Kenya fails to act.

“Kenya Cornered,” and “Annan Ambushed Us” blared the Daily Nation, Kenya’s biggest newspaper.

On Tuesday, the bloated Kenyan cabinet (which has more than 60 ministers and assistant ministers) called an emergency meeting to decide what to do, but once again, deadlock. The Kenyan government has essentially three options: coax a rebellious Parliament into approving a special tribunal; refer the case to the International Criminal Court, which has already been criticized for picking on Africa; or do an end run around Parliament and set up a special branch of Kenya’s judiciary, whose credibility is “below sea level,” according to one human rights official.

Human rights advocates are urging their government to do something, fast.

“If we don’t deal with the impunity from this last election, the next one will be horrible,” said Maina Kiai, a former government human rights official.

Mr. Kiai says that ethnic gangs are rearming themselves across the country, this time with guns, not machetes. He contends that unless the culprits are punished for the killings last year, which included hacking up old men and burning toddlers to death, the next time there is a disputed election, which he thinks there surely will be, people will be emboldened to wreak havoc again.

“It’s not peace,” he said, of the semblance of normality that has returned to Kenya since the election. “It’s a cease-fire.”

Kenya is still wrangling with problems that go back decades, and the tribunal crisis is wrapped up in a call for sweeping change, including land reform, electoral reform and constitutional reform. The so-called grand coalition government, cobbled together after the disputed election, was supposed to tackle these issues. So far, none of those boxes have been checked either.

Nothing, though, appears more sensitive than the tribunal. In February, Parliament shot down a bill to set up a special Kenyan court for perpetrators of the post-election violence, and in recent days, lawmakers have indicated that the votes are still not there. Human rights officials are not surprised.

“If we leave it to Parliament, and I say this as an individual and not on behalf of my organization, Parliament will not pass a tribunal unless they are sure the tribunal will be dysfunctional,” said Victor Kamau, a lawyer at the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Why?

“Because many of the murderers are in the government,” he said.

The names in the envelope have not been made public. But Kenyans have their suspicions. Several Western diplomats and human rights officials have said that Finance Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya’s founding president, and Agriculture Minister William Ruto are on the list, suspected of organizing death squads. The two men are from different ethnic groups and opposite political camps, with Mr. Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, in the president’s party, and Mr. Ruto, a Kalenjin who quickly scaled the rungs of the leading opposition movement. One reason for the paralysis over the tribunal may be that both sides, for once, have the same vested interest: continuing the impunity.

But all the talk of organizers, masterminds and planners of the post-election violence raises a big question: how organized was it?

In the days following the election, in December 2007, in which the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki, was declared the winner over Raila Odinga, the opposition leader who is now prime minister, rival gangs rampaged across Kenya’s slums, in the hillsides and throughout many towns. Initially, a lot of violence appeared to be spontaneous outrage, vented along ethnic lines, though upon closer inspection, some of it seemed to have been organized, at least by local leaders and village elders. But what remains murky, many political analysts here say, is the extent to which top politicians were directly involved.

“I think a very large part of the violence was spontaneous,” said Abdalla Bujra, a Kenyan sociologist. “When it started, it was spontaneous. Later, there was some level of organization.”

But, Mr. Bujra argued, “none of the top leaders expected this to have erupted on a massive scale.”

Further bloodshed is another serious fear. Some people worry that if Kenya’s big men are hauled off to court, they will tell their followers to kill again.

“We have a history of politicians mobilizing their ethnic constituencies when they feel threatened personally,” said George Wachira, a peace advocate in Nairobi, Kenya’s capital.

“But that’s a risk we have to take,” he said. “At some point, we have to take a stand, and re-establish the rule of law.”

Or, as many other Kenyans might say, establish the rule of law in the first place.

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