Showing posts with label linguistics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label linguistics. Show all posts

March 6, 2011

Book Review: "God and Man in the Koran"


There is a reason Toshihiko Izutsu's book is available through Islamic booksellers online: its a great introduction to what is at stake for the believer in the language the Qur'an. If, as Izutsu explains, the ultimate guarantee of the Semitic religions is that God reveals himself to humans, then an understanding the language through which that revelation came is an indispensable part of understanding divine reality.

Izutsu take a long time building up to his argument about clusters of word and meaning in the Qur'an, and how they are often found in opposing pairs. The Qur'an, argues Izutsu, took the vocabulary of the pre-Islamic Arabs and expanded or narrowed the conceptual scope of certain words. In discussions of words like imam, kufr, wahy, kitaab, nabii, and tanziil, God and Man in the Koran offers an invaluable insight into the Gestalt, or Weltanschaung of the Qur'an.

Izutsu's work, despite being immersed in the technical vocabulary of semantic and linguistics, is readable enough for anyone to gain some insight, and for those (like me) who first read the Qur'an in English and found it (initially) ponderous and unpoetic, this book impresses an appreciation for the intricacy and vision of the original Arabic text. It may seem obvious to any scholar, but it bears repeating that any text in any language cannot be understood properly apart from the cultural context in which it is embedded. That is why the act of translation is so fraught with peril--something of the flavor, the style of the original text is always lost.

The status of the Qur'an as a holy revelation for Muslims complicates the commonsense application of this thesis (culturally embedded) Muslims have to wrestle with extracting universal meaning from the text (the debates over the uncreatedness of the Qur'an in early Muslim theology reflect this tension) and debates over the hidden meanings, abrogated meanings, literal meanings, and contingent meanings permeate this atmosphere of meaning-making.

In order to show what the Qur'an introduced to the Arabs, Izutsu sets out to explain the "darkly pessimistic" attitude of the Jahiliyya Arabs and their particular attitude and style of life. He shows how materialistic their worldview was, and how much they valued language and particular styles of recitation (i.e. saj') as having the potential to release the magical power contained in words. He explains how they initially saw Allah as just another djinn, since djinn were known to pounce upon human beings, throw them to the ground, kneel on their chest and force them to become the djinn's mouthpiece to the world.

Thus when the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) first began his prophetic mission, the Jahiliyya Arabs understood it in terms of spirit possession. However the Prophet (SAW), saw his mission in terms of a revelation from Allah, the Only True God, through His Angel Gabriel. The innovation this introduced in the worldview of the Jahiliyya Arabs is something Izutsu brings out well. The content of these revelations, which took place over twenty years, and which the Prophet (SAW) sometimes heard in terms of tinkling bells, after which he would understand what Allah meant to say, had to be communicated through the Prophet as a coherent message, what Izutsu calls a "Sprachwerk", an objective linguistic work. And it had to take form in a language-system peculiar to his community.

Sura 26, as-Shuara (The Poets)

وَلَوۡ نَزَّلۡنَـٰهُ عَلَىٰ بَعۡضِ ٱلۡأَعۡجَمِينَ

فَقَرَأَهُ ۥ عَلَيۡهِم مَّا ڪَانُواْ بِهِۦ مُؤۡمِنِينَ

Translation: "Had we sent this down upon some non-Arabian prophet, and had he recited it to them in Arabic, they would not have believed in it."

Based on this sura, Izutsu goes on to make a valuable conclusion, "The use of Arabic as the language of Revelation was not intended to be the open declaration of the superiority of Arabic." Arabic, argues Izutsu, was chosen for its usefulness, not for its inherent qualities.

Why is this argument important? Because it helps one avoid a kind of implicit ethnocentrism that runs through many hadith: that the language of paradise will be Arabic for example, and that Arabic is naturally the most exalted and best medium for expressing spiritual reality and complexity. Instead, the message had to be in Arabic because it had to be a prompting to action. Yet in order for the revelation (wahy) to remain a prompting to action, it cannot continue to be a "sprachwerk." That is, its interpretation cannot be fixed in the time it was revealed, even if the content remains the same.

In this reviewer's interpretation, this demonstrates that the inner meaning of the Qur'anic message is not necessarily literally attached to the interpretation of the signs themselves, which changes over time, but to the correct performative recitation of the revelation and the spiritual disposition it creates in the heart of the believer. Izutsu's work thus sheds light on why Muhammad Asad once remarked that no one should attempt to translate the Qur'an from Arabic unless he had personally lived among the Bedouins of the Arabian Peninsula.

For linguists, Izutsu's approach to the language of the Qur'an as a kind of worldview comes uncomfortably close to the Whorf-Sapir theory of language and meaning, in which language determines reality. I will let those with linguistic training critique this aspect of the book, if they have read it. For me, as a historian, Izutsu's work is "good to think with" and offers a sympathetic portrayal of an oft-misunderstood book.

Read more...

September 26, 2009

The Ottoman Empire in East Africa

The Ottoman Empire began its march to dominance as a band of Turcoman nomads from Central Asia. Several centuries later, they were the globally dominant military, political, and economic power. Analysis of the Ottomans as a world power—especially their diplomatic relations with emerging European powers such as Portugal, Venice, and France—is not new in the historiography, but sustained monographic treatments of the Ottoman relationship with their eastern neighbors, especially the Safavids and the Mughals, have been rare. Moreover, Ottoman naval power has only recently given its proper place in the historiographical analysis. Historians such as Palmira Brummett, Andrew Hess, and Salih Ozbaran detail how the Ottomans were not only a ‘gunpowder empire’ with well organized armies; they also built and provisioned trading ships in the Mediterranean, Baltic, and Red Seas. S systemic monographic treatment of their presence in the Indian Ocean is yet to be written.

The knowledge of Ottoman presence in the Indian Ocean was initially facilitated by Portuguese historians, while on the Turkish side, the pioneering works of Salih Ozbaran have been collected in The Ottoman Response to European Expansion: Studies on Ottoman Portuguese Relations in the Indian Ocean and Ottoman administration in the Arab lands during the Sixteenth Century.

Ozbaran’s work of collecting and presenting primary sources and interpretation of Ottoman diplomatic relations and naval power is particularly valuable. He details how in the late 15th century, having conquered Istanbul and established hegemony over Anatolia and several Baltic and Arab provinces, the Ottomans turned to Venetian shipbuilders to challenge the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean. At the head of the Red Sea, the Ottomans completed their new fleet, and in 1507, Amir Husayn led the fleet to fight the Portuguese at Diu. Despite their defeat by the Portuguese in 1509, the Ottomans remained a viable naval power in the Red Sea, with outposts on the Horn of Africa and control over the strategic port of Aden on the Yemeni coast.

Furthermore, the hostility of the Swahili city-states to Portuguese hegemony meant that Ottoman incursions down the East coast of Africa were perceived as a real threat. In about 1585, a single Turkish ship promising support was sufficient to bring on a general revolt of Swahili towns, which the Portuguese promptly quelled. A couple of years later, Amir Ali Bey—whom some sources picture as an Ottoman official, but others as a mere buccaneer—appeared with a small force. Again, several city states immediately broke away from Portuguese control. At Pemba, the townspeople annihilated the occupying garrison, and an attack was mounted against Malindi, Portugal's staunchest ally. Again a Portuguese fleet from India restored control with appalling brutality. At Faza, they slaughtered the entire population, destroyed its vessels and plantations, and sent the head of its king as a grizzly trophy to Goa.

Ali Bey returned with a somewhat larger force two years later and took possession of Mombasa. Another Portuguese relief force was dispatched, and sailed into the harbor to find the Turks had come under siege by invaders they called Zimba, reportedly a savage people who had already destroyed Kilwa. The Portuguese fleet attacked and pillaged the city, and then, as they departed, the Zimba rushed in to complete the devastation. Advancing farther north, the Zimba finally were defeated at Malindi by a force of warlike pastoralists whom the Portuguese called Masseguejos. Portugese control would continue until the Omanis (invited by Mombasa city leaders) finally wrested control of the coast from the them in 1698.

Of course there are other stories here too: the conflict between the Ottomans and the Ethiopian emperor Minas over the coastal imperial stronghold of Debarwa, the intermittent treaties between the two parties over the trading entrepots at Massawa and Arkiko. During the 15th century the Ottomans had used local Muslim intermediaries to wage war against the Ethiopian emperor, while the Portuguese backed the Ethiopians but tried to make them submit to Papal authority in Rome. As both Ottoman and Portuguese power declined in the 17th century, these machinations died down.

The larger point in all is that the histories of these liminal spaces on the edges of the great empires often have their own unique and compelling stories which get lost amidst the focus on a perceived 'center'. If a historian came along who knew Kiswahili, Arabic, Portuguese, Ottoman Turkish, French, German, and English, and perhaps Gujarati he or she could write a comprehensive history of the Western Indian Ocean from antiquity to the present, including some of the arcane bits of minutiae which help give life to the larger sketch. As it now stands, learning two languages is a daunting enough task, so this herculean effort is still a future endeavor for some aspiring genius.

Read more...

September 18, 2009

African Languages and the World of IT


In a bit of tech-nerd glocal news, Afrigen and the ANLoc are hard at work making the web accessible for hundreds of different African languages and locales. Why is this important? I will let them explain it:

The first step for any localization project is to ensure that all users and computer systems can identify underlying language and country parameters. A locale is a master file that can be used across applications to specify meta-data for each language/ country pair. Data include language information such as how to express dates and Unicode font support, as well as country information such as currency names and symbols. When a locale is implemented properly, documents can be identified by language of origin, facilitating features such as search, spell-checking, and application-specific user options. Having a completed locale for a language is fundamental for the success of all future localization activities for that language.

On the ANLoc website, they write:
ICT is necessarily adapted to human languages in order to enable its use by non-specialists. For historic and economic reasons, however, certain languages dominate in this role, regardless of where ICT is used. So, when technology is used where the language and culture are different, it will exert an unintentional influence on the latter that could be negative. Localisation – the adaptation of ICT to the language and culture where it is used – allows that cultural pressure to be reduced, eliminated or even reversed. By addressing the issue of localisation this network and its sub-projects aim to address these dimensions to indeed turn ICTs into a positive force for all of the above dimensions.
In other words, they aim to make the web more multilingually friendly, especially for speakers of languages like Kikuyu, Zulu, dialects of Berber, Amharic etc. Of course this raises the question of whether these languages are actually being utilized to any great degree in cyberspace at present, and if so, is there a demand for them emanating from somewhere? I suspect of the languages I listed that there is in Amharic, but to what degree in the other languages? How will online interaction 'change' these languages, many of which are primarily oral to begin with? All in all, this is a great and overdue effort to make the global more local.

Read more...

November 24, 2008

The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries


The Swahili Coast, 2nd to 19th Centuries by G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville

I am reading this book in companion with East Africa and The Orient: Cultural Synthesis in Pre-colonial Times ed. Neville Chittick. They both have their virtues, but I prefer Freeman-Grenville's style and communication of ideas; his book is more unitary in theme--constantly returning to certain outstanding features of coastal history and weaving them again and again into East African coastal history from a variety of perspectives.

Freeman-Grenville's erudition is great and his conclusions generally sound. He has some interesting insights into the future of the field, which, although somewhat dated, scholars have increasingly been heeding:

"In the future, the history of the East African coast will of necessity be written by scholars versed in Arabic and Swahili. It will include both public and private records, and likewise oral traditions, some of which have already been collected."
He also has an interesting historical note on the Sidi of India, descendants of enslaved Africans brought there beginning around 1738. Many of them live in Gujarat to this day. They speak a dialect of Swahili. I will have to look and see if any other scholars have done any work on this. He includes some interesting insights about Ottoman interest in the East African Coast, which I touched upon in a paper for an Ottoman History course at Georgetown University. Specifically he discusses the need for Africanists to consult the Seraglio Archives in Istanbul, as well as a collection of Swahili documents at Goa as well as some documents written in Portuguese with an Arabic script. At the time of his writing, no one had consulted the Sultan's Palace in Muscat nor the archives of Pondichery--I am sure that has changed.
Lastly, he has assembled a list of words of Portuguese origin in Swahili. Most of them, unsurprisingly, have to do with nautical topics. I will reproduce a few of them here:

abedari--large pulley (nautical)
amari--anchor cable
bao--plank
barkinya--small boat
bendera--flag
bomba--pump
buli--teapot
bweta--small box
danguro--tavern, brothel
gereza--prison
kandarinya--kettle
karata--playing cards
leso--scarf/cloth
mboleo--manure
nanasi--pineapple (this is also common to Arabic)
parafujo--screw
Ureno--Portugla
upao--roof timber, beam
mvinho--wine, spirits

Read more...

October 22, 2008

The Aesthetics of Hospitality

Since my friend and comrade Dr. Pitts has yet to write his eagerly anticipated treatise on Arab hospitality, allow me to make the first foray.

A lesson last night with an Omani professor in the language center brought to the forefront this topic in a way I have been pondering for some time: the aesthetics of hospitality and how it is 'performed' in different cultures. She said something interesting which I also heard from another, much older teacher of Swahili in Arusha: "the hospitality is embedded in the language." She was explaining why there is no need to say thank you some times; gratefulness is in the tone you adopt as you communicate with another person.

This speaks to several things. First it confirms my belief that tone is inherently a carrier of meaning, regardless of the content. Thus, the way we say something is as important, if not more, then what we say. Secondly, those languages where tone influences meaning have the greatest potential for 'welcoming expressiveness', ie. hospitality. Secondly, it confirms something I have observed from Mississippi to Mombasa: the aesthetic of hospitality.

I choose the word aesthetic deliberately, from the Latin to perceive. Literally this word means 'the sense of what is beautiful'. It is usually used in an artistic sense to convey that the work in question has a certain style.

What I have noticed about (primarily) non-American cultures (although my original experience of this was through Americans of African descent) is the value placed on hospitality not merely as an obligation but as a 'style' if you will, a work of art. I recall going to a dinner party thrown by some high school friends of mine several years ago. I went with a woman from Columbia. The conversation was rather dry and boring, and at several points it stagnated completely. Afterwards she and I discussed the differences between such a gathering in Columbia and here, which she expressed a a certain 'spice' in conversation that was lacking among the diners gathered that evening. That 'spice' is none other than the aesthetic of hospitality.

There is a formalized quality to Omani hospitality, for example, that surpasses the Biblical and Quranic injunctions to 'welcome the stranger'. In fact, it becomes a field of creative endeavor, even of friendly competition to show your generosity and display your ability to host.
This 'aesthetic' encompasses food, conversation, greetings, indeed every aspect of a guest's visit. There are rules of engagement: for example, there is a particular way to serve coffee, another way to drink it, and a certain way to decline having your cup filled. (shaking it back and forth between thumb and forefinger.)

My Swahili host family gave another good example of this practice. They had some friends over for dinner last Friday. After the meal everyone sat around talking in the sitting room. When the guests got up to leave, we all bid our goodbyes, but then my host parents followed their guests out the door, down the driveway, and to their cars, continuing the conversation. I've encountered this idea of accompanying a guest out of your house in East Africa as well. In fact, I first became consciously aware of this as a cultural practice at Howard University, in Dr. Carr's lectures.

I guess what I am trying to say is that hospitality is not only a moral obligation that brings great blessing, but a field for creative conversation, stylistic flourish, and innovation within the formally established rules, just like any other art form. And one of the things I pursue, in seeking alternatives to the 'spiritual poverty' of the West, is to concretely identify practices that are non-normative to mainstream American culture, and seek to understand and embody them in my own practice. Of course, I will put my own spin on it. I doubt I will suddenly begin serving coffee the Omani way. Rather, because I see hospitality as an aesthetic, I will continue to try to innovate ways to be expansive and welcoming, using what I have observed as a foundation.

Your thoughts?

Read more...

October 20, 2008

Austrian Anthropologists Work on Arabic and Swahili Dialects

A set of books I would like to own, but probably never will...they cost over $1600.

Description: Volume I, " Die Somali-Sprache, Texte" , viii, 287 pp.; double column / Volume II: "Die Somali-Sprache", vii, 126 pp./ Volume III: "Der Mehri- und Soqotri-Sprache", ix, 168 pp./ Volume VII: "Die Mehri-Und Soqotri-Sprache" ix, 168 pp., index/ Volume VIII: "Der Vulgarabische Dialekt Im Dofar (Zfar)" ix, 144 pp., index/ Volume IX: "Mehri- Und Hadrami-Texte, Gesammelt Im Jahre 1902 In Gischin", xxviii, 200 pp., index, contemporary hard boards, titles printed on front cover. Set published between 1900 & 1911. Volumes in Very good condition. Over a period of eleven years these volumes were published by the Austrian Royal Academy. The work is a series of field studies by leading Austrian scholars of the local Arabic and Swahili dialects in Oman, Yemen and Somalia. Leo Reinisch (1832-1919), investigated the languages of the peoples of northeast Africa. This work here is a complete set of his investigation of the Somali language which is spoken by the people of Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti. Professor David Heinr Muller (1846-1912), studied Semitic languages at Sachau, and taught Semitic languages at the University of Vienna. He published and edited several Arabic manuscripts including Al-Hamadhani "Sifat Jazeerat Al-Arab". In this work he discusses the Mehri language of Southern Arabia. Wilhelm Hein (1861-1903), was educated as an orientalist - he was fluent in Arabic - he was not only interested in languages but also in ethnology. In 1901, he finished his postdoctoral thesis at Vienna University. He was forty years old when he was finally able to fulfill his childhood dream: to take part in the exploration of southern Arabia. On the suggestion of his mentor, David H. Müller, he and his wife, Marie Hein (1853-1943), spent 1901 and 1902 in Al Mukallah and Aden on an expedition organised under the auspices of the Imperial Academy of Sciences and the Imperial Museums. There, he undertook geographical and linguistic research and assembled zoological, botanical and ethnographical collections. Today, the zoological and botanical collections are still in the Natural History Museum, 142 prints from now-lost glass-negatives have survived in the photographic archive of the Ethnological Museum Vienna and the phonograme archive of the Austrian Academy of Sciences still houses recordings of Yemeny-Arab songs by Wilhelm Hein‘s informant, Ali bin Amer (1902). Nikolaus Rhodokanakis (1876-1945), an Austrian orientalist who contributed several studies on Arabic poetry including translations into German of al-Khansa diwan, and Ibn Qutaiba poems. This work is a study of the Arabic local dialect of Dhofar. Bookseller Inventory # 006587

Read more...

September 2, 2008

Istalihi za Kiswahili

The Baraza la Kiswahili la Taifa (BAKITA) is the national body for the Swahili language in Tanzania, and is on the forefront of efforts to make Swahili an effective language for science, technology, mathematics, medicine, and the humanities. In Istalihi za Kiswahili they provide a list of essential vocabulary in Swahili for various disciplines. Here is a sampling from the history section:

imperial--kibeberu
foreign trade--biashara ya kimataifa
commodity--bidhaa
labor movement--chama cha wafanyakazi
archives--hifadhi ya nyaraka
ideology--itikadi
colonial legacy--kasumba ya ukoloni
impact--kishindo
liberate/decolonize--komboa
armed struggle--mapambano ya silaha
settlement--mastakimu
demand--matakwa
political system--mfumo wa kisiasa
division of labor--mgawano wa kazi
treaty--mkataba
factors of production--misingi ya uzalishaji
exploit--nyonya
producer--mzalishaji
resistance--ukinzani
kingdom--ufalme
immigration--uhamiaji
socialism--ujamaa
class formation--utabakishaji
manpower--utumishi
invasion--uvamizi
welfare--ustawi
feudalism--ukabaila
abolition--ukomeshaji
World War--vita kuu vya dunia

Read more...

  © Blogger templates The Professional Template by Ourblogtemplates.com 2008

Back to TOP